Policy Analysis

To promote stability and other U.S. interests, Washington must reshape its approach to this increasingly complex staging ground for global competition.

A facade group with unique ties to Kataib Hezbollah, Alwiyat al-Waad al-Haq has been used exclusively to claim or threaten attacks against Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

Kataib Hezbollah is the premier militia in Iraq, operating under Iran's direct command and fielding a wide range of cells responsible for kinetic, media, and social operations, some bankrolled by the Iraqi state.

Since losing its territorial base, the group has shown troubling signs of recovery amid a deteriorating situation at al-Hawl refugee camp.

Algeria's divided Hirak movement needs greater unity in order to strengthen real, democratic institutions.

A village of women in Eastern Syria are upholding the core political beliefs of the Kurdish minority there.

Recent understandings between Cairo and Ankara have many of the group’s exiled figures worried about their future on Turkish soil.

Wishful thinking aside, Moscow will continue to push solely for its own interests in these discussions, which for the foreseeable future means empowering Assad.

New proposals by Palestinian commentators can give Abbas and other senior officials a viable framework for rescheduling premature elections and jumpstarting engagement with Israel, Egypt, and Jordan.

This minor facade group is occasionally used to claim bombing attacks on U.S. supply convoys and rocket attacks on the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.

Regardless of the Biden Administration's stance on Iran and Hezbollah, sanctioning corrupt politicians in Lebanon is a good call.

The U.S. does not always have to be at the head of the table, but it has to be present and ready to jump in if progress stalls on issues such as advancing political dialogue, holding elections on time, and addressing Russia’s worrisome military encroachment.

رهبر ایران، به جای کوتاه آمدن از موضع هسته‌ای خود، مدام تاکید می‌کند که ایران می‌تواند تحریم‌ها را خنثی کند و به تنهایی بر چالش‌های اقتصادی‌اش فائق آید و ابزار دستیابی به هر دو را تکیه بر توانمندی‌های داخلی و نمایش حمایت فرضی مردم از رژیم از طریق مشارکت در انتخابات می‌داند.

A more modest approach is warranted, one that emphasizes core interests, acknowledges the limitations of U.S. leverage, and avoids going too far with funding cuts and sanctions.

Abbas may decide to postpone the vote given Fatah’s internal fissures, his rivals’ relative unity, and the damage that certain outcomes could do to Palestinian relations with the West.

Turkey is making overtures for rapprochement with Egypt. How will Sisi respond?

Washington needs to revisit its traditional reluctance to share decisionmaking with European partners—who in turn need to reconsider their traditional discomfort over burden sharing.

U.S. concerns center on Turkey’s democratic backslide and deepening ties between Erdogan and Putin—but the Turkish president also wants to develop a rapport with Joe Biden and fortify his country’s weakened economy.

پاسخ آمریکا باید مشخص‌تر شود و همزمان دولت اقلیم کردستان و بغداد باید اختلافات امنیتی عاجل خود را حل و فصل کنند و آن‌ها را به مسائل ارضی یا قانون اساسی و بودجه‌ ربط ندهند.

Moscow has intensified its military deployments in sensitive areas and continued its counterproductive diplomatic track, exhibiting a long-game mindset that Washington needs to match.