روابط عرب و اسرائیل

Although international frustrations over the Gaza war were briefly placed on the back burner during the Iran crisis, they are boiling over once again and may spoil Washington’s postwar plans if left untended.

Dramatic changes have been taking place in the West Bank, driven mainly by Israeli actions that have reduced terrorism but are simultaneously striving to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state.

A ten-year memorandum of understanding lapses during the president’s term, and he will have to decide whether negotiating a new deal serves American interests.

After a stunning blow to their mutual Iranian enemy, Israel and Turkey should use close defense and intelligence dialogue to navigate Syria’s extraordinary period of flux and craft a new regional order.

Direct Israeli dialogue with Syria’s transitional government could produce a new framework for bilateral relations—one that includes effectively ending the perpetual state of belligerency, accepting Israel’s special relationship with the Druze, agreeing on spheres of coordination throughout the south, and cooperating against Iran and Hezbollah’s comeback attempts in Syria and Lebanon.

Riyadh has demonstrated the desire and ability to play a bigger diplomatic role in the Middle East and beyond, so Washington should support these aspirations—while taking care to balance relations with other Gulf states and ensure that Riyadh contributes constructively.

Under heavy pressure from the Trump administration, the Arab states with the most to gain—and lose—in Gaza should be spending the next two weeks doing everything they can to reach consensus on bold, concrete counter-proposals.

A hostage ultimatum from Washington seemed to provide Netanyahu with the freedom of action he wanted, but Israeli domestic realities may not allow him to break the ceasefire just yet.

Despite its risks for regional stability and U.S. policy, the president’s Gaza proposal has put this issue at the top of the priority list.