فلسطینی‌ها

The rudderless group is drifting between those who argue for cutting its losses and those who believe it can still hold onto power in Gaza by playing the hostage card well and securing patchwork assistance from abroad.

Tribal militias in Gaza can offer limited tactical help if they are carefully monitored and managed, but relying on them would just be another way of delaying the more important work of formulating postwar political arrangements.

Although international frustrations over the Gaza war were briefly placed on the back burner during the Iran crisis, they are boiling over once again and may spoil Washington’s postwar plans if left untended.

Despite the Iran-Israel showdown, if European and Arab states prove they are willing to do the diplomatic and financial heavy lifting required for progress with the Palestinians, the reticent Trump administration might be encouraged to engage.

Militant groups are under growing pressure, and large-scale armed struggle seems far-fetched, yet it remains unclear if Palestinians are finally ready to give up their old battle cry.

A ten-year memorandum of understanding lapses during the president’s term, and he will have to decide whether negotiating a new deal serves American interests.

Health officials have compiled a largely comprehensive list, but questions remain about the Gaza ministry’s opaque revision process and vetting of family reports—along with unknown deaths and missing persons.

Israel sees its next operation in Gaza as a means to decisively damage Hamas’s military and governance capabilities while freeing the rest of the hostages, but the plan might also produce a lengthy occupation and expanded guerrilla warfare.

Although President Abbas seems more focused on meeting diplomatic expectations abroad than dealing with burning issues at home, officials should still push him to propose something beyond cosmetic change—both to address the reality in the West Bank and, perhaps, to legitimize the PA’s eventual return to Gaza.