شمال آفریقا

Authorities have come too far to risk resuming violence or dividing the country with a rushed, heavily boycotted vote.

After months of nebulous plotting, the domestic and foreign actors who drove opposition to Hamdok’s reformist government will become more discernible as the generals look for ways to solidify their hold on power.

Although Biden may not see Russia as his top priority, Moscow’s proxy military activities in the Mediterranean are directly aimed at diluting Washington’s leverage in the Middle East, Africa, and Europe.

Washington should publicly emphasize the importance of preserving hard-won progress on political pluralism and human rights, while privately conveying that Tunis must return to the constitutional framework in order to receive MCC and IMF funding.

Whether or not Tunis repeats its past security mistakes, al-Qaeda and the Islamic State may see the president’s destabilizing power move as an opportunity to prod the government’s capabilities.

As the fragile Arab democracy faces its most serious test in nearly a decade, Washington should oppose any unconstitutional centralization of power, urge President Saied to clarify his roadmap for ending the impasse, and consider additional economic and medical assistance.

To break the political deadlock, begin the withdrawal of disruptive foreign forces, and deploy ceasefire monitors, U.S. officials will need to hold some hard conversations with the UN envoy and all of the international and local actors on the ground.

The pandemic has exacerbated persistent structural problems in the government’s approach to foreign investment, banking reform, monetary policy, and other sectors, but Algiers may be more open to U.S. advice on such matters.

By examining the growth of such hubs during the Islamic State’s caliphate years, two experts assess how the international community can limit recruitment in these areas and address local grievances.