اسرائیل

A “four-zone” reconstruction plan could win Arab, Israeli, and U.S. support while avoiding mass relocations out of Gaza.

Whether authorities call it “Egyptian gas” or “Jordanian gas,” the simple fact is that Israeli offshore supplies could help with Syria’s major power shortage if the necessary arrangements are ironed out.

A hostage ultimatum from Washington seemed to provide Netanyahu with the freedom of action he wanted, but Israeli domestic realities may not allow him to break the ceasefire just yet.

Moving forward with an alternative Gaza plan may not be the president’s first choice, but he could at least take credit for getting Arab states to take action.

Very close allied coordination will be needed to strike the right balance between pursuing viable nuclear diplomacy and giving Israel the weapons and support it needs to use force against Iran if necessary.

Rather than choosing between diplomacy and military action, the Trump administration should think of these options as mutually supportive, sequencing its actions in hopes of achieving the best and least costly outcome.

Rather than using the months since the passage of new laws as an opportunity to agree on a more gradual implementation plan and identify alternatives to the controversial relief agency, the parties have simply dug in their heels.

All the talk of Hamas emerging from the war with the upper hand contradicts the realities on the ground, where the group has lost its military capabilities, has no hope of substantial outside help, and has failed to ignite the West Bank.

Former Israeli and U.S. officials discuss the deal’s timing, provisions, and near-term prospects, outlining the Trump administration’s practical options for advancing peace in Gaza and beyond.