Terrorism

The brigade belongs to the state-funded Popular Mobilization Forces and is a core member of Kataib Hezbollah’s cluster of militias that facilitate anti-U.S. attacks in Iraq’s Anbar province, eastern Syria, and Jordan.

Given the ways in which Iranian influence has grown elsewhere in the region, there are fears that the Sudanese army, with its Islamist orientation, will morph into a militia group similar to the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces, ultimately exerting Iran’s will in exchange for funding and military support.

The latest attack will hopefully be an aberration in Ankara’s otherwise strong record of disrupting terrorist plots at home, though policymakers should not be lulled into complacency given the group’s proven record of evading elimination.

Biden now has a hard choice to make: push Israel into a Gaza ceasefire or risk sustained Iran-backed escalation in the region.

International media and NGOs have repeated the group's figures without caveats, giving credence to suspicions of Israeli misconduct and fueling accusations of war crimes and even genocide.

Two decades after a landmark study on the group, it is clear that Hamas leaders never truly strayed from their core principle of prioritizing Israel’s destruction over the well-being of fellow Palestinians.

The militia's Abu Hussein wing continues to throw shade at other "resistance" groups and is now threatening U.S. bases in the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and even Saudi Arabia.

Decades ago, Saleh al-Arouri helped the group realize that external support networks were essential to recovering from serious setbacks, and this playbook lives on despite his death.

Recently used in Houthi attacks from Yemen, this missile family could give Iraqi militias the capacity to target sites in Israel if they choose to escalate their campaign of solidarity with Hamas.