U.S. Policy

President Trump has long signaled his distaste for the JCPOA. He warned in January that absent improvements to the Iran nuclear agreement, he might decide by the May 12 deadline not to extend the sanctions waivers, effectively withdrawing the United States from the deal. In reality, however, reimposing sanctions is

By moving to an airpower-focused approach, Washington could avoid an unending stabilization mission, calm tensions with Turkey, and help allies with the bigger goal of countering Iran and Russia.

The summit could yield tentative agreements on any number of issues, from Arab-Israeli peacemaking to energy and arms deals.

Tehran seems to believe that President Trump will kill the deal next month, so it may start prepping its dormant nuclear facilities, sowing division between U.S. allies, or courting other global powers.

Read or watch a discussion on how the United States can improve its mixed record of success with train-and-equip programs in the region, including remarks by the Army's director of force management.

While a desire to protect the nuclear deal had some effect on the Obama administration's posture toward the group, interagency coordination problems were a much bigger factor.

The regime and its allies will probably try to peel away U.S. partners or take military action in vulnerable areas, so Washington should prepare to counter such efforts.

The national intelligence manager for the Near East discusses the post-ISIS 'peace dividend,' the intelligence facets of Syria's humanitarian crisis, the sectarian hurdles to Iraq's reconstruction, and more.

President Trump's personal intervention to end the split between U.S. Gulf allies will be a major test of his authority—and his patience.