Policy Analysis

Watch three expert observers examine a divided Turkey one year after the failed military coup of 2016.

Working through its proxy Hezbollah, the Islamic Republic continues to support terrorist plots across the globe and to raise significant sums through illegal smuggling, including in South America's Triborder Area.

The latest demonstrations are unusual in that they highlight the divergence of the Western-oriented palace from much of the Jordanian people, who according to polling do not like the United States very much.

A compact size, high pay, and rigorous standards have helped the service thrive, but now it needs sustained support to become a lasting monument to U.S. good intentions in Iraq.

Areas of focus will likely include a damaged but still dangerous Islamic State, a regrouping al-Qaeda, and the wide network fielded by Iran and its proxy Hezbollah.

Most Kurds are now seeking rights in their respective countries, while downplaying the pan-Kurdish dream, giving Turkey more room to separate the PYD from the PKK instead of lumping them together.

By setting limits on Iranian deployments in southern Syria, Washington could insulate Jordan from problems on the border and encourage Iranian caution in the east, potentially decreasing the likelihood there of a U.S.-Iran clash.

Erdogan's lifelong resentment of secularists has decimated Turkish democracy.

The tepid response to the deal by Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu can be summed up in one word: Iran.

In the aftermath of Mosul's liberation, the adjacent Nineveh Plains could be a cockpit for new ethno-sectarian conflict or a test case of cooperative security arrangements, with the anti-IS coalition having strong incentives to ensure the latter.

Destroying the vestiges of IS governance will not eliminate the group -- which will continue to pose an insurgent and terrorist threat -- but it will remove any arguments the jihadists might be inclined to make about the near-term viability of their state.

July 12, 2017 The conventional wisdom in Washington has long been that the United States and Saudi Arabia have important mutual interests that sustain their bilateral relations, but they do not adhere to the same core values. That assumption is in need of reassessment. Over the past two decades, Saudi

Events on the ground are fluid in the eastern Syrian city and province, but dynamics suggest Syrian forces and their backers will prevail over the Islamic State and U.S.-supported fighters.

Secretary Tillerson should bear in mind that his diplomatic efforts over Qatar's role in the Middle East will have significant implications for the balance of power in Libya, not just the Gulf.

For any observer of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict who views settlement expansion as an impediment to peacemaking, the latest developments suggest difficulties ahead.

Reenergized and more-targeted maritime interdiction operations could reduce Iranian support for the Houthis while helping respond to Yemen's humanitarian crisis.

As long as Putin keeps control of the narrative in Syria, he can forestall a resolution that compromises Russian interests.

With Secretary of State Rex Tillerson now in Kuwait to support its mediating role in a severe intra-Arab crisis, an analysis of that country's unusual political and social dynamics is particularly timely. Relative to its neighbors, Kuwait is indeed a sort of middle ground in terms of several key issues

A discussion of what's at stake in the region, how to evaluate the situation, and the roles of Israel and Iran.

Although Rouhani is a skillful politician who convinced the Iranian leadership to go along with the nuclear deal, he likely will not be in a position to wield similar influence over his country's regional activities.