Proliferation

If the Obama administration sees the nuclear agreement as a strategic win capable of transforming Tehran's hostility, then America's ability to deter and contain Iranian challenges will be eroded.

Although there were good reasons for delaying the ballistic missile sanctions against Iran, dropping charges against individuals linked to terror sponsorship only exacerbates doubts about the administration's commitment to enforcement.

When the next President enters office, Iran will be a nuclear-weapons threshold state operating more than 5,000 centrifuges, with more than 14,000 additional ones at hand but deactivated—assuming the July 14 accord is implemented and survives its infancy. It will be openly engaged in research and development on advanced centrifuges

The prince's latest foreign policy initiative is to confer with Islamabad, presumably seeking help with Iran, and potentially including military and nuclear cooperation.

Unless the Obama administration demonstrates stronger resolve in responding to Iranian aggression, the Saudis and other Gulf monarchies will continue to take vigorous action of their own, likely in ways Washington finds unhelpful.

The latest meeting of the IAEA board of governors is an opportunity to bolster the investigative and disclosure mechanisms needed to deter Iran and other potential proliferators.

Despite endorsing the nuclear deal, the Supreme Leader has empowered the IRGC Intelligence Organization to tighten Iran's domestic political environment ahead of 2016 elections.

As the clock counts down to implementation, Washington needs to move quickly to correct the agreement's flaws and close its loopholes.

Understanding Tehran's past progress toward a nuclear bomb and mapping the facilities and personnel involved in such efforts can help head off any potential breakout attempts in the coming years.