All Policy Analysis by Michael Knights

As the dust settles from new attacks in both countries, Baghdad will need U.S. support to make progress against Iran-backed militias while assuaging Riyadh’s security concerns.

Three experts discuss how Hezbollah, the Yemeni Houthis, and pro-Iran militias in Iraq have reacted to the war so far, outlining steps Washington and its regional partners can take to keep them from escalating further.

Washington Institute fellows assess how Hezbollah, the Houthis, Iraq’s Hashd, and other Iranian proxies and allies are responding to the war, as well as how the Trump administration and partner governments might counter the risk of terrorist attacks given Tehran’s long track record of foreign plots.

KH's secretary-general signaled that his terrorist organization would not face negative consequences for killing an Iraqi policeman. Thus far, he's right.

Iran-backed terrorist militias are upping their threats against the United States and Iraqi minorities in the event the PMF is not made into a permanent institution.

The clash occurred when a KH-protected official was removed from a lucrative position that has given the terrorist group access to massive tracts of fertile farming land in southern Baghdad.

Kataib Hezbollah and Asaib Ahl al-Haq are improbably trying to distance themselves from drone strikes in northern Iraq, including multiple attacks on U.S. oil investors.

Tehran’s Iraqi proxies mostly sat out the twelve-day war, but this pragmatic restraint will not forestall growing U.S.-Iran competition over Iraq’s airspace, economic partnerships, and other sectors.

Haider al-Musawi may have been (unsuccessfully) securing the move of a senior Lebanese Hezbollah operative through Iraq into Iran.

Khazali finally reacted to the Iran-Israel conflict to avoid further embarrassing his militant base, underlining the difficulties of being a surface politician and a closet terrorist.

Four experts assess how outside players might respond to the showdown, and whether Tehran will switch up its calculus on procurement, attack tactics, and other military matters as the fight goes on.

The self-styled "resistance" is probably being held in reserve in case the United States joins the war, with militias noticeably restraining themselves so far.

Experts assess the roles that various actors may seek to play during and after conflict, including Hezbollah, the Houthis, Iraqi militias, Palestinian factions, and international powers such as China, Russia, and the EU.

A cabinet minister and senior member of the Iran-backed terrorist organization Asaib Ahl al-Haq recently announced nuclear cooperation deals with two U.S. adversaries.

An in-depth look at why Congress should follow through on calls to sanction the group, which has been closely tied to Iran-backed terrorism for decades.

The senior political and "resistance" figure is still trying to legitimize the cold-blooded murder of unarmed Americans in the 2007 Karbala raid.

An inveterate opponent of the United States and Israel, the enigmatic Harakat al-Abdal may have become an entirely Qods Force-operated, Syria-based entity years ago, posing questions about where its fighters now reside and what became of its PMF status in Iraq.

The Iran-backed militant group is signaling its seriousness about elections, aiming for better results in heavily populated Basra, and seeking to keep its rivals separated.

Despite the embarrassing PR, “mowing the grass” by targeting Houthi capabilities and personnel has value if repeated periodically—perhaps by an Israeli-Arab “Red Sea security group” if Washington is no longer willing to take the lead.

Two of Prime Minister Sudani's partners in government—the terrorist groups Kataib Hezbollah and Asaib Ahl al-Haq—have stepped up their efforts to bar Syria's new president from a Baghdad summit.