Policy Analysis

The Iraqi Media Network is the latest so-called independent agency to fall under the control of U.S.-designated terrorist groups and human rights abusers, adding a new line of effort to "resistance" attacks on freedom of expression.

The vote is more interesting for its long-term implications than its immediate results.

Having stopped “resisting” U.S. forces (who shoot back), militias are focusing on unarmed activists in what appears to be a coordinated crackdown on freedom of expression.

Today, there is a fear of the resurgence of threats to Jordan from its eastern borders, which are de-facto controlled by armed groups loyal to Iran.

The latest election cycle offers further proof that the regime is counting on centralization and open repression as its main tools of control, with elected bodies becoming increasingly irrelevant.

Neither the Palestinian public nor the international donor community will support a PA return to Gaza unless the next cabinet is given room to implement serious security, financial, and political reforms.

A unique militia that is closer to Lebanese Hezbollah than other Iran-backed Iraqi groups, yet widely resented for prioritizing commercial success over kinetic operations.

Former legislators and administration officials discuss their findings from a recent group trip to Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, and the PA.

In this timely new video, Washington Institute scholars discuss the pre-Gaza predecessors of the latest attack campaign, its widening repercussions on trade, and what will be required to halt it militarily.

Most forces could likely be withdrawn or moved to the Kurdistan Region without harming U.S. interests—in fact, Washington might have more leverage in Baghdad without a troop presence.

While Qatar mediates with Hamas over Gaza, Oman’s facilitation efforts with the Houthis appear to be in abeyance pending recognition that a broader settlement is needed to secure regional stability.

Roumieh’s drug networks have been an ongoing and pervasive challenge for Lebanon.

Even if an incursion into Rafah occurs without sparking a clash between Israeli and Egyptian forces, Israel will be facing two key challenges in its relationship with Egypt: the eventual status of the Philadelphi corridor and the rapid rise of support for Hamas inside Egypt itself.

The Washington Institute’s executive director reflects on the feasibility of the Biden administration’s current diplomatic plans in the region, based in part on what local officials said during his recent group trip to Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, and the PA.

The Badr Organization leader has suffered bruising blows from other Iran-backed militias seeking to exploit the group's internal dysfunction and divisions.

The United States, in recognizing the limits of its traditional “bloc-building” approach, faces the imperative to adapt to a multipolar reality. Embracing multipolarity as a fundamental principle of its foreign policy could pave the way for more flexible and effective international engagements.

Once Washington comes to grips with Erdogan’s “Anatolian” foreign policy, it will have a better chance of steering the relationship in ways that support U.S. interests without unduly boosting Russia and other adversaries.

Most Israelis would support a deal if they were sure it would bring them security, but their current skepticism is based on real and urgent concerns about demilitarization given their past experience with Gaza and Lebanon.

By outlining a strategy in the north of Iraq, a vision regarding reconciliation and a constructive settlement of differences between the Kurdistan Regional Government and the Federal Government of Iraq in relation to the management of energy resources in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq can emerge.

The operation is a sign of Europe’s willingness to take action against the current instability, though significant work is needed to coordinate with existing initiatives and convince regional officials of the mission’s usefulness.