Iraq

Asaib Ahl al-Haq is moving to get what it has long sought: a senior leadership role within the Popular Mobilization Forces, a glaring gap in its portfolio of power positions.

The Coalition Framework’s overall electoral successes in Iraq’s provincial elections is playing out in governor appointment decisions across much of the country, including in Baghdad and Basra. The ongoing competition in Kirkuk, however, highlights just how complicated power-sharing dynamics can become.

Having stopped “resisting” U.S. forces (who shoot back), militias are focusing on unarmed activists in what appears to be a coordinated crackdown on freedom of expression.

Most forces could likely be withdrawn or moved to the Kurdistan Region without harming U.S. interests—in fact, Washington might have more leverage in Baghdad without a troop presence.

By outlining a strategy in the north of Iraq, a vision regarding reconciliation and a constructive settlement of differences between the Kurdistan Regional Government and the Federal Government of Iraq in relation to the management of energy resources in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq can emerge.

Since three Americans were killed, the self-styled "resistance" has been almost inactive except for a spate of fake, foiled, and disavowed attacks, pointing to an order from Iran to calm things down.

The brigade belongs to the state-funded Popular Mobilization Forces and is a core member of Kataib Hezbollah’s cluster of militias that facilitate anti-U.S. attacks in Iraq’s Anbar province, eastern Syria, and Jordan.

With regard to Sudani’s visit to America, we need to see what the Iraqi PM can achieve before confirming this important invitation. Sudani can be a real prime minister of a real sovereign state if he wants to be, but that will require taking risk.

Abu Hussein has unveiled a dramatic gambit to sidestep Washington's threatened response to the killing of three U.S. soldiers.