All Policy Analysis by David Schenker

Although any decrease in tensions is welcome, Washington should be concerned that regional rapprochement is being driven by diminished confidence in the United States.

After many years serving as Iran’s mercenaries in regional wars, Hezbollah leaders now feel compelled to resume their aggressive approach to Israel.

The administration clearly dislikes the Western Sahara policy it inherited, but reversing course now would exacerbate Washington’s serious credibility deficit with the Saudis and other regional partners.

Riyadh’s reported price for peace with Israel includes a civil nuclear program, but any such deal will require Washington to carefully balance multiple diplomatic, legal, and proliferation concerns.

Even if much-needed prosecutions against Hezbollah members are deemed too dangerous at present, donors must still pressure Beirut to extradite other individuals charged with crimes abroad, starting with banking official Riad Salameh.

The Biden administration’s low-key, patient approach with Prime Minister Sudani has produced some positive results, but the lesson of Hezbollah and the Houthis is that Iranian proxies tend to cement their grip over a state when left unchecked.

The deal raises questions about Riyadh’s human rights record and media double standards, but its most important outcome may be further diversification of the Saudi economy away from oil dependence.

The country has been described as “too big to fail,” but further deterioration is possible amid mounting debt, major inflation, and delayed military divestment.

Watch as experts discuss National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan's keynote address to the Institute's 2023 Soref Symposium.

Amman will necessarily continue seeking Chinese direct investment for various purposes, but its rejection of Huawei echoes U.S. concerns about Beijing’s involvement in sensitive sectors.

The country can’t escape its downward spiral without full accountability, so pulling punches in annual U.S. reports serves neither Washington nor the Lebanese people.

Taking stock of last year’s deal shows that while there were plenty of good reasons for Washington and Jerusalem to accept it, improving Israel’s long-term security was not one of them.

Finding ways to contain the mounting violence next door is crucial, but the two leaders should keep in mind that deteriorating economic conditions can pose threats of their own.

Although it is still too early to write the prime minister off as an Iranian lackey, he is on a familiar trajectory for Iraqi governments: doing the minimum necessary to prevent deterioration with Washington while satisfying the voracious demands of his Iran-backed partners.

The recent murder of an Irish peacekeeper has once again exposed the international mission as a costly failure—one that should be drastically curtailed come renewal time this summer.

Although climate issues will by definition headline the latest COP summit, Egypt’s human rights record, simmering protest movement, and questionable policies in neighboring Libya will provide plenty of additional fodder for Biden’s discussions with Sisi.

After leading an extensive group visit throughout the kingdom, Washington Institute scholars offer insights from their encounters with leaders in government, religion, business, and culture.

Participants will probably issue potent-sounding statements on Iran, oil production, and other key issues, but their rhetoric is unlikely to result in any substantive policy shifts or internal dispute resolution.

The maritime border agreement is a mixed bag, demonstrating how far Israel will go to make peace with Arab states while doing little to decrease the prospects of an eventual war with Hezbollah.

The Abraham Accords have substantially increased the region’s options for countering Iranian threats, but the past performance of Arab coalitions should make policymakers cautious about expecting too much from new alliances.