منع اشاعه

Washington shouldn't rush to resolve issues such as banking restrictions and heavy-water stockpiles without prodding Tehran to take helpful steps of its own.

Rather than debate the hypothetical results if the administration had ordered strikes in 2013, it is more instructive to examine the policy it did execute, which delivered questionable results at significant cost.

Proposals for clarifying or relaxing certain U.S. financial restrictions would be a cumbersome way for Iranian trading partners to access U.S. dollars, but would give Iran modest, unreciprocated benefits.

The Supreme Leader used his Nowruz address to launch a strong attack on the United States and make Rouhani the scapegoat for continued American pressure, which augurs poorly for U.S.-Iranian cooperation.

If the Obama administration sees the nuclear agreement as a strategic win capable of transforming Tehran's hostility, then America's ability to deter and contain Iranian challenges will be eroded.

Although there were good reasons for delaying the ballistic missile sanctions against Iran, dropping charges against individuals linked to terror sponsorship only exacerbates doubts about the administration's commitment to enforcement.

When the next President enters office, Iran will be a nuclear-weapons threshold state operating more than 5,000 centrifuges, with more than 14,000 additional ones at hand but deactivated—assuming the July 14 accord is implemented and survives its infancy. It will be openly engaged in research and development on advanced centrifuges

The prince's latest foreign policy initiative is to confer with Islamabad, presumably seeking help with Iran, and potentially including military and nuclear cooperation.

Unless the Obama administration demonstrates stronger resolve in responding to Iranian aggression, the Saudis and other Gulf monarchies will continue to take vigorous action of their own, likely in ways Washington finds unhelpful.