فرایند صلح

Netanyahu's “total victory” is not possible, but demilitarizing Hamas and stabilizing Gaza still are, especially with help from Egypt and other key players.

مدیر اجرایی انستیتو واشینگتن درباره امکان‌پذیر بودن طرح‌های دیپلماتیک جاری دولت بایدن برای منطقه خاورمیانه صحبت می‌کند و از سفر گروهی اخیر انستیتو به سرپرستی وی به مصر، عربستان سعودی، اردن، اسراییل و دیدار با تشکیلات خودگردان فلسطینی و گفته‌های مقام‌های محلی شاهد می‌آورد.

A heartrending story about finding decomposing infants in a Gaza hospital is full of troubling holes, discrepancies, and conflicts of interest that should have raised serious questions at the paper.

Neither the Palestinian public nor the international donor community will support a PA return to Gaza unless the next cabinet is given room to implement serious security, financial, and political reforms.

Most Israelis would support a deal if they were sure it would bring them security, but their current skepticism is based on real and urgent concerns about demilitarization given their past experience with Gaza and Lebanon.

For opportunity to emerge from tragedy, two bridges must be built: one leading from the current situation to the “day after” the war, and a second creating a viable path to a Palestinian state.

با وجود ابعاد تاسف‌بار جنگ حماس با اسراییل از نظر آسیب رسیدن به غیرنظامیان، سازمان‌ها و رسانه‌های بین‌المللی لازم است در مورد ادعاهای ارگان‌های وابسته به حماس درباره تلفات غیرنظامی در غزه موشکافی بیشتری به‌خرج دهند و تنها به تایید و تقویت تبلیغات حماس نپردازند.

Two decades after a landmark study on the group, it is clear that Hamas leaders never truly strayed from their core principle of prioritizing Israel’s destruction over the well-being of fellow Palestinians.

His trip will not bridge all bilateral differences over the war, but its success can be measured by how it deals with urgent short-term issues while deferring key postwar matters.