All Policy Analysis by Anna Borshchevskaya

While U.S. attention is focused on fires already raging in the Middle East, Russia is quietly expanding its presence in North Africa, to the detriment of U.S. interests.

Putin's recent summit with the Saudi leader is another diplomatic coup for the Kremlin, but it does not mark a fundamental shift in Russia's calculus on Iran or other regional issues.

Factors such as corruption, socioeconomic inequity, and ignorance among Russian officials regarding Islam could end up fueling radicalism rather than deterring it.

The two countries have found themselves at odds on several decades' worth of regional issues, but Riyadh may finally be coming around to Moscow's views on Syria, energy, and trade.

The Russian leader has achieved most of his goals in Syria at minimal cost, and he will continue to have his way there so long as Washington keeps deferring to him.

Moscow's growing outreach to Algeria, Libya, and neighboring states aligns well with its survival strategy of undermining the West while simultaneously working with it.

Warming Russian ties with Israel, the recent meeting suggests, will not include actual steps to curb Israeli foes such as Iran or Hezbollah.

The agriculture and military sectors of both countries stand to benefit from an agreement, even if the zone will not be an overall economic success.

As long as Putin keeps control of the narrative in Syria, he can forestall a resolution that compromises Russian interests.

Bluster from the Kremlin should not be interpreted to mean Putin wants a direct military confrontation with the United States.

The Institute's leading Russia expert outlines the best means of tempering Moscow's influence in the region, recommending a more active U.S. military and diplomatic role while explaining why Putin will never be a reliable partner there.

Russia's West Jerusalem announcement is more a signal to Washington than a benevolent gesture toward Israel.

The United States should not expect any change from Putin until Washington changes its approach first.

Moscow has neither the resources nor the desire to bring long-term stability to Libya, and Haftar is the wrong man for the job, but that won't stop Putin from trying to exploit the situation.

One of the president's biggest early foreign policy tests will be navigating the aftermath of the nuclear deal, which brought the Islamic Republic even further into Russia's orbit.

The Turkish-Russian relationship is an unequal one, and Erdogan may not realize the extent of Putin's capacity for manipulating and abandoning temporary allies.