سوریه

اولویت واشنگتن سال‌ها مقابله با تروریسم بوده و تازه دارد به سوی مسابقهٔ قدرت‌های بزرگ تغییر جهت می‌دهد، اما مسکو هرگز ژئوپولتیک را از نظر دور نداشته و عملیات روسیه در منطقه را باید از این منظر بررسی کرد.

Wishful thinking aside, Moscow will continue to push solely for its own interests in these discussions, which for the foreseeable future means empowering Assad.

Syria may not be a priority for the Biden administration, but the Brussels pledging conference and the July vote on the UN cross-border mechanism mean that major donors can no longer keep the disastrous humanitarian situation on the back burner or expect NGOs to resolve it on their own.

عملیاتی که در مرز عراق و سوریه انجام شد، می‌تواند مهم‌تر از آن باشد که منتقدان اذعان می‌کنند، اما مشروط به آن که دولت بایدن بی وقفه نشان دهد که سطح تحمل اش برای رسیدن به یک توافق هسته‌ای جدید حدی دارد.

By adjusting carrier rotations, ISR capabilities, headquarters locations, and other key aspects of its posture, the Biden administration can contribute to regional security and self-sufficiency while still shifting toward great-power competition.

Even if the growing regional and geopolitical stakes were not sufficient on their own, the regime’s domestic negligence, illegitimacy, and criminality provide ample reason to shake up Washington’s approach.

The administration’s early recourse to armed force may have surprised Tehran, but the proxy tests will continue, suggesting the need for sustained U.S. intelligence support and multilateral engagement with partners.

By ceding control of its borders and airspace to various foreign actors, the regime has essentially resigned itself to a limited but potentially durable existence for the long term.

Even as U.S. policymakers must stay focused on the Assad regime’s culpability, they also face a complex web of power dynamics in which Russia, Turkey, Iran, Israel, and other actors are attempting to secure their various interests.