All Policy Analysis by عیدو لوی

An expert traces the PMPF’s evolution from a maritime-focused entity to a potent counterterrorism force, exploring why it has been more effective than other local forces.

Overhauled Turkish and Emirati training programs for the Somali army and renewed funding for the African Union mission could provide the boost that Mogadishu needs, and Washington should push for both.

Besides testing Syria’s new authorities on a mission they are not yet ready to handle by themselves, Washington also has an unprecedented chance to curtail the group in areas that were difficult to reach under the old regime.

A year and a half of multifront warfare holds lessons for Israel's approach to regional security, peacemaking, and U.S. relations.

To preserve its only reliable and capable partner in the fight against the Islamic State, the United States must help the SDF deter HTS and fend off Turkey-backed militias.

Comparing the offensive that toppled Assad with the Islamic State's 2014 campaign in Iraq shows how HTS has innovated its approach by mixing old and new tactics.

The United States can help renew the African Union mission by managing Egypt-Ethiopia tensions and mediating between various actors in Somalia.

The group maintains significant control over Gaza’s population despite its considerable losses, and removing it from power will necessitate a long campaign that no actor seems willing to undertake.

Preserving the UAE's role and synchronizing it with Turkey and Qatar's efforts could be a force multiplier for the Somali government’s offensive against al-Shabab.

Tehran has faced few consequences for the wartime actions of its proxies, so the United States and its allies should step up their sanctions and gray-zone operations against the regime.

Although the group’s conventional military capabilities seemingly peaked on October 7, an underperforming army is still an army, so the IDF has little choice but to continue ground operations until it can shift to a counterterrorism-centered strategy.

The United Arab Emirates has much to offer if it chooses deeper military involvement in the fight against al-Shabab, but it would need to coordinate closely with other actors, especially the United States, to optimize its contribution.

Special forces have succeeded especially in such missions, but any BWT effort requires some U.S. ground presence to achieve its goals.

As happened with past incursions, Erdogan’s latest invasion threats and preparatory strikes are fatally distracting the SDF from its crucial counterterrorism mission—and at a time when jihadist activities against it are on the rise.

The Biden administration should be encouraged by the incoming president’s ties to the UAE and apparent openness to bolstering the counterterrorism fight and normalizing with Israel.

The country’s terrorist challenge grew in the absence of American forces, requiring the Biden administration to reestablish strong connections with local personnel on the ground.

From Iraq and Afghanistan to Somalia and Ukraine, closely mentoring special operators has been far more impactful than building up conventional forces, but this approach requires hands-on American involvement.

On March 27, two Israeli Arab men recorded themselves pledging allegiance to the leader of the Islamic State (IS) jihadist group before committing a terrorist attack in the Israeli city of Hadera, killing two and injuring several others.

Two scholars of jihadism assess the group's evolving approaches to conventional and insurgent warfare, and U.S. options for combating them.

The military response to a major prison attack exhibited the strength of the U.S.-SDF partnership, but it also highlighted ongoing counterterrorism shortcomings.