سوریه

As long as Putin keeps control of the narrative in Syria, he can forestall a resolution that compromises Russian interests.

Whatever the two leaders discuss at the G20 summit, the Trump administration must work urgently to develop a new Syria strategy that articulates a clear vision for the country's future and the U.S. readiness to protect it.

Over the past eight years, al-Qaeda's fortunes have ebbed and flowed. Drones, uprisings, and a challenge from the Islamic State have forced the core al-Qaeda organization—historically based in the Afghanistan/Pakistan region—and its various branches to adapt and migrate outward. In this new Policy Focus, Washington Institute fellow Aaron Y. Zelin

The retaliatory attacks against alleged Islamic State facilities in eastern Syria apparently failed to hit any of their intended targets, undermining Iranian deterrence and raising questions about the effectiveness of Iran's missile force.

The United States cannot defeat the Islamic State without first reckoning with Iran's nefarious role in Syria.

The Institute's leading Russia expert outlines the best means of tempering Moscow's influence in the region, recommending a more active U.S. military and diplomatic role while explaining why Putin will never be a reliable partner there.

As Washington considers its next steps in northern Syria, it will need to weigh the geostrategic consequences of backing local Kurdish forces whose objectives may align or conflict with those of Russia, Iran, and various other actors.

Whatever understandings the Trump administration reaches after the Islamic State is defeated, it needs to be clear about the stakes: if America does not stop the Iranians in Syria and Iraq, they will soon emerge as the region's dominant force.

Various players have been rushing to secure their spot in former Islamic State strongholds that will be strategically important to the next phase of the war.