کشورهای حاشیه‌خلیج فارس

One of the most reliable strategic allies in the region has been taken for granted, so the Biden administration will need to steer more diplomatic attention and economic support Amman’s way.

The conflict continues because none of the local parties is strong enough to win, weak enough to lose, or incentivized toward peace, but the Biden administration can do something about the latter problem.

Drone campaigns have greatly culled the group’s leadership, but leaders are replaceable, and the guided-attack model seen in Pensacola could be a significant force multiplier for any locally rooted affiliates who seek to strike abroad in the coming years.

From addressing Iranian threats to mending rifts with Qatar and Turkey, the sound bilateral partnership on regional issues will likely thrive in the Biden era, albeit with some marginal adjustments by both governments.

The reported meeting between the crown prince and Netanyahu will likely shift normalization into the fast lane, but much can happen to slow, stop, or even reverse it.

كان ذلك احتفال بذكرى الحرب العالمية الأولى

Jakarta’s domestic politics make normalization unlikely despite years of positive signals, but the United States should nevertheless urge it to consider incremental, mutually beneficial steps toward rapprochement with Jerusalem.

رژیم ایران رفع عنقریب تحریم تسلیحاتی‌اش را یک پیروزی عمده تلقی می‌کند و با این تصور که آمریکا ضعیف و منزوی است، به دنبال فرصت‌هایی برای افزایش تنش در جبهه‌های متعدد است.

حرکات اخیر که شامل مذاکرات آشتی با حماس است، می‌تواند این رقیب تشکیلات خودگردان را در غزه تقویت کند، به تیرگی بیشتر روابط با متحدان سنتی عرب آن بینجامد، و انتخابات را به سوی نتایج بی‌ثبات‌کننده سوق دهد.