فرایند صلح

Veteran Palestinian and Israeli policymakers respond to a new study on how Western governments can help preserve the viability of a two-state solution without launching broad, risky diplomatic campaigns aimed at forcing direct bilateral talks.

In this Institute study, former Labor Knesset member Einat Wilf suggests that a full alignment by Western states of their Palestine-Israel policies with their preferences could yield a novel approach to peacemaking.

A new Israeli diplomatic office in the UAE is a rare public indication of a broader trend.

Twenty years later, the assassinated prime minister's hopes for Palestinian separation still resonate.

Jackson Diehl used my recent survey research in his Oct. 26 op-ed column, "Barriers to Peace in Israel." I have supported the principle of "land for peace" and an end to occupation since 1967. But the Israeli fear that Hamas or its ilk would then take over the West Bank

Poll results and political statements offer ample insight into how Israelis and Palestinians view the city's future, but public concerns about violence would be the most likely driver of any concrete change on the ground, such as rerouting the security barrier.

The next president will have a rough start if the next fifteen months are marked by more U.S.-Israeli fighting over the root causes of violence with the Palestinians, unfettered Russian and Iranian military operations just north of the Israel-Syria border, and deepening holes in the Iran nuclear agreement.

The Labor Party has an opportunity to alter Israel's security discourse and open the door to improving the image of Palestinians and the two-state solution.

With millions of dollars in Iranian funding, a marginal PIJ splinter faction is aiming to establish a powerful, Hezbollah-style proxy in Gaza.