Policy Analysis

Ten years after the 9/11 attacks, how has the U.S. intelligence community adapted to the new and evolving nature of the global terrorist threat?

Libya's challenges are immense, but Washington can take steps to facilitate the transition while ensuring that U.S. interests are not sidelined by other actors.

The plot against al-Jubeir was intended to delegitimize Ahmadinejad's foreign policy agenda.

The nearly 300,000 Palestinian residents of Jerusalem, regardless of diplomatic rhetoric, are almost evenly divided in choosing between Israeli and Palestinian citizenship.

Beijing is playing a dangerous game: using the Islamic Republic to foil American interests in the Middle East.

The discovery that Syria may have tried to build a centrifuge plant is reawakening concerns about the extent of the regime's nuclear ambitions and the proliferation of crucial technology by Pakistan.

Although Jordan's new prime minister seems ready to address the public outcry over corruption, he may run into the same bureaucratic and economic impediments that have stymied previous governments.

Americans traditionally support close ties with Israel for historical and moral reasons, but two leading foreign policy experts say that another compelling rationale is too often overlooked: the important contributions Israel makes to U.S. national interests.

In the wake of the failed assassination plot, it is time for the United States to galvanize allies and collectively press our friends south of the border to severely restrict the size of Iran's diplomatic missions to the minimum needed to conduct official business.

Israel's substantial contributions to U.S. counterterrorism, intelligence, and technology are an underappreciated aspect of the close bilateral relationship.

This summer, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party continued its decade of electoral dominance, winning a third consecutive parliamentary victory. Yet the voting results tell a more nuanced story, with the main opposition Republican People's Party making gains in key areas and the AKP's heartland strongholds continuing to lose sway

Turkey, Iran, and the Assad regime are locked in a power game over Syria's future: either Ankara will win and Assad will fall, or Tehran will win and Ankara, hurt by PKK attacks, will throw in the towel and let Syria be.

Although Turkey and Israel are not yet ready to become friends, they do not need each other as enemies: talking to one another would serve them both well.

Although military action in Syria would carry some risks, not intervening in the face of the regime's now fully revealed violent and repressive nature carries its own dangers.

Public frostiness aside, expanding QIZs and other economic initiatives could help ensure that the Egyptian-Israeli cold peace does not devolve into war.

Testimony before the House Committee on Homeland Security, Subcommittee on Counterterrorism and Intelligence and Subcommittee on Oversight, Investigations, and Management. U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder's announcement on Oct. 11 that a dual U.S.-Iranian citizen and a commander in Iran's Quds Force, the special-operations unit of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps

Washington must prevent renewed PKK attacks from becoming either a wedge between Turkey and Iraq or a bridge between Ankara and Tehran.

Once the military withdrawal is complete, Washington will need to tread gently on Iraqi sensitivities, shrug off snubs, and broaden the range of international voices capable of positively influencing Baghdad.

By telling the Syrian opposition to remain nonviolent and explicitly ruling out military intervention, the Obama administration is laying out unrealistic expectations.

The pullout of U.S. forces in Iraq threatens to unleash a dangerous and deadly struggle with Iran and within the Iraqi army.