All Policy Analysis by ماثيو ليفيت

Even if Washington somehow convinces Iran to cut off support for groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis, this would not eliminate the threat they pose.

With its leadership badly damaged and its security establishment humiliated by deep intelligence infiltration, the desperate regime likely sees little downside in setting caution aside and greenlighting a wide variety of international attacks.

Even as the war proceeds, much more must be done to identify how Tehran and its terrorist partners are adapting their procurement and fundraising networks to evolving conditions in the Middle East.

Iran’s fractured opposition and years of repression make rapid regime change unlikely.

يُقيّم عددٌ من باحثي معهد واشنطن استجابةَ "حزب الله" والحوثيين وفصائل الحشد العراقية وسائر وكلاء إيران وحلفائها للحرب الدائرة، فضلاً عن السبل المتاحة أمام إدارة ترامب والحكومات الشريكة للتصدي لمخاطر الهجمات الإرهابية، في ضوء سجل طهران الحافل بتنفيذ مخططات خارجية.

To gauge the true effectiveness of the LAF's disarmament effort, one must go beyond the number of patrols, raids, and seized weapons and take a hard look at what it has done—and not done—to search private property, target underground facilities, stop cross-border smuggling from Syria, and transparently dispose of armaments.

مع قيام الولايات المتحدة والأمم المتحدة بمراجعة وثائق استراتيجياتهما، يتعين على إدارة ترامب إعادة تأكيد دور أمريكا في صياغة أجندة مكافحة الإرهاب، إذ لا غنى عن المنظمات متعددة الأطراف في هذا الجهد.

بعض الحكومات الأوروبية اتخذت خطوات لملاحقة ممولي حماس داخل القارة، لكن هذه الجهود ما تزال غير كافية، في حين لم تبادر حكومات أخرى إلى أي إجراءات جدية حتى الآن.

بدلاً من تصنيف جماعة الإخوان المسلمين بالكامل كمنظمة إرهابية، ينبغي أن تركز إدارة ترامب على التهديدات الأمنية المحددة التي تمثلها الفروع والتنظيمات التابعة للجماعة، لاسيما تلك التي توفر دعماً مباشراً لحركة حماس

Undermining the group in Lebanon requires targeting its networks abroad.

The director of the Institute’s counterterrorism program testifies on how the group’s postwar funding crunch will likely spur it to double down on raising money via its extensive criminal networks in the West.

More than three decades ago, amid the prospect of Israeli withdrawal from Palestinian territory, international actors similarly sought to disarm the group and exclude it from governance.

Perhaps, given the ceasefire deal, the group will rein in its operations abroad to avoid giving Israel reason to resume the war, but the involvement of senior group leaders in plots targeting Denmark, Sweden, and other countries has justifiably drawn law enforcement attention.

An in-depth report on the corrosive role that Russian and Hezbollah elements are playing in Mali, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, and other West African states.

Tehran’s recruitment of Israelis for military surveillance, sabotage, assassination plots, and other operations is on the rise, showing how the shadow war between the two adversaries continues to evolve even after their recent hot war.

Given their long history of terrorist plots in the West, Iranian agents and proxies could pursue multiple options for hitting back at America after the June war.

The Iranian and Russian regimes have used a wide mix of tactics and operatives to strike at dissidents and other targets in the West, and thwarting them will require more intensive efforts on multiple fronts.

Israeli and American intelligence reached different conclusions while looking at the same information, so understanding what Jerusalem and Tehran were thinking before the war is crucial to forecasting what could come next.

What does it mean for Damascus, for Washington, and for U.S. partners and allies now that the Trump administration has dismissed fifty years worth of economic sanctions against Syria?

Just as with the Hezbollah missile threat in Lebanon, completely eliminating the Iranian nuclear threat is not the best yardstick for Israel’s current campaign.