All Policy Analysis by Anna Borshchevskaya

The coming violence could spill over into Russia, perhaps emboldening terrorist groups to recruit radicalized Muslims there.

مسکو بارها بازیگران سوریه را در مقابل هم به بازی گرفته تا منافع خود را تامین کند و رژیم اسد را در قدرت نگهدارد.

Although Biden may not see Russia as his top priority, Moscow’s proxy military activities in the Mediterranean are directly aimed at diluting Washington’s leverage in the Middle East, Africa, and Europe.

Whether or not Russian leaders genuinely believe the Taliban will turn into a responsible stakeholder, they will likely be rewarded with more international and regional clout at Washington’s expense.

Institute scholars share their insights into how the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan and the rapid fall of the country to the Taliban will affect the American strategic position across the Middle East and our relationships with allies, partners, and adversaries

Despite its consistent rhetoric toward Moscow, the administration has not yet demonstrated its strategic understanding that ceding too much operating space to Russia will hurt U.S. efforts to confront China.

اگر واشنگتن خاورمیانه را کماکان از اولویت‌های خود دور نگه ‌دارد، روسیه با سرعت بیشتری به ایران نزدیک می‌شود و اساساً سرنوشت آینده سوریه را در دست خواهد گرفت که می‌تواند منجر به یک پیوند آشکارتر و خطرناک‌تر بین این بازیگران شود.

Moscow would have the world believe that the best route to stability is legitimizing a dictator who plunged his country into war and destabilized the entire Middle East.

Moscow is using calibrated military power and complex diplomacy to persuade Turkey, Qatar, and other countries to back its solutions.

اولویت واشنگتن سال‌ها مقابله با تروریسم بوده و تازه دارد به سوی مسابقهٔ قدرت‌های بزرگ تغییر جهت می‌دهد، اما مسکو هرگز ژئوپولتیک را از نظر دور نداشته و عملیات روسیه در منطقه را باید از این منظر بررسی کرد.

Wishful thinking aside, Moscow will continue to push solely for its own interests in these discussions, which for the foreseeable future means empowering Assad.

Moscow has intensified its military deployments in sensitive areas and continued its counterproductive diplomatic track, exhibiting a long-game mindset that Washington needs to match.

To expand its strategic influence on the Mediterranean, Moscow is exploiting Beirut and Hezbollah’s crisis at a time when the West seems uncertain about how much to intervene.

Simply waiting for Russia to decline has not prevented the Kremlin's aggressive and destabilizing behavior in various regions, and may even have encouraged it.

The omissions in Moscow’s statements on the U.S. operation are as revealing as the predictable hyperbole and hypocrisy.

In seeking to salvage the JCPOA, Biden should not assume cooperation from Moscow, but instead focus on building a unified strategy that strengthens the U.S. negotiating position.

Institute Senior Fellow Anna Borshchevskaya explains the implications of countrywide protests across the Russian Federation.

Although Moscow and Ankara are pursuing different aims in Syria, Libya, and the South Caucasus, they have managed to avoid direct confrontation.

As the Kremlin continues to undermine Western values, institutions, and influence while expressing distorted views of counterterrorism, liberals would do well to keep defending liberalism.

The country need not be a top foreign policy priority, but the Biden administration would be wise to invest in Iraqi security, unity, and democracy amid competition with Russia, China, and Iran.