انتشار الأسلحة

As Washington considers military action in Syria, the temptation will be to pursue a limited punitive response to regime chemical-weapons use, rather than a campaign to achieve the administration's stated goal of Bashar al-Assad's removal. Giving in to that temptation would be a mistake.

There is ample justification for intervention in Syria once U.S. strategic interests are factored into the equation, regardless of the chemical red line.

U.S. backsliding on redlines regarding Syrian chemical weapons only encourages the Assad regime to make choices that increase the likelihood of direct U.S. intervention.

If Washington doesn't help contain Syria's civil war, the whole region could plunge into chaos.

A letter to the editors of the Economist regarding how close Tehran has come to achieving nuclear breakout capability.

Enhanced economic sanctions on Iran -- in place for more than a year now -- have dramatically impacted its economy, though the same cannot be said of its nuclear calculus. In this Strategic Report, military expert Michael Eisenstadt explains why U.S. policy has failed to curb the regime's progress on

Rouhani may soften the veneer and rhetoric of Tehran's nuclear policy, but there is little reason to expect a change in the regime's objectives.

The new president-elect's supporters want a better economy and integration into the international community more than they want nuclear glory.

The recent presidential election in Iran proved that the Islamic Republic's instinct for self-preservation trumps its ideology. Hassan Rouhani, the current representative of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in the Supreme National Security Council and former head nuclear negotiator, won the election in the first round, a total surprise for