Policy Analysis

With its Lebanese Shiite constituency increasingly vulnerable, its Iranian patron hobbled by other commitments, and its regional reputation in tatters, Hezbollah will likely think twice before responding forcefully to the Quneitra attack.

The challenge posed by the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) has created some strange dynamics, among them the shared interest of the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran in "degrading and defeating" the Sunni jihadist group. But this shared interest should not be viewed as an

The president's legacy will be evaluated on his foreign policy accomplishments, not just the errors he believes he has avoided.

The prosecutor investigating a suspected government cover-up of the 1994 AMIA bombing has died suspiciously, sparking mass protests and raising questions about whether anyone else will pursue the case with similar determination.

Four Washington Institute fellows discuss what the president's address shows about his priorities in the Middle East, analyzing what he did and did not say and comparing his latest remarks to his past speeches.

The administration needs to make sure that its imminent creation of a new rebel force is conducted with clear political goals, a concrete military strategy, and due consideration of likely operational contingencies.

The apparent collapse of the Yemeni government is a headache for Riyadh and bodes ill for U.S. counterterrorism strategy.

New airstrikes are only the latest chapter in the ongoing intelligence war between Israel and Hezbollah, and financial information gained in U.S. undercover operations may be playing a role as well.

Unlike most Persian Gulf states, the UAE does not need to balance its counterterrorism policies with any delicate ties to Sunni conservatives.

What al-Qaeda, ISIL, and the Paris attacks can teach us about the jihadi divide.

Rather than remaining bystanders, moderate Muslims need to join forces in recognition that their religion and its central texts have been hijacked by a small minority for political ends.

Extremists have been importing conflicts from the Arab world into France since the 1990s, resulting in the latest tragedy.

While Ankara's decision for or against fighting ISIS will be a political one, the military's lingering resentment toward the AKP, the PKK, and Arabs could be a formidable obstacle to Turkish intervention.

In five brief video clips, Dr. Matthew Levitt analyzes the recent terrorist attacks in Paris, describes their origin in ISIS and al Qaeda, and assesses what the United States and its allies can do to combat homegrown violent extremism.

Threatened by ISIS and beholden to Washington, Amman will continue to play a critical role in the coalition, but its involvement comes with a domestic political cost.

Washington is all but certain to resume its military financing to Egypt at some point, but there is little to be gained and potentially much to be lost by waiting for Cairo's Federal Reserve accounts to zero out in the meantime.

Coalition airstrikes in Iraq and Syria have had clear benefits, but a broader campaign involving more intelligence and targeting assistance on the ground is required to reap the full strategic benefits of turning back ISIS.

When it comes to Tehran, Havana, and similar regimes, the Obama administration must be more careful to treat engagement as a means, not an end.

Even if Cairo wanted to normalize relations with the Assad regime, its need to stay on good terms with Saudi Arabia and the UAE would seriously constrain how far it could go in that direction.