Policy Analysis

When it comes to sanctions, continuously adopting new measures is the best way to convince Iran's leaders that they must resolve the nuclear impasse.

As the French beef up their counterterrorism units and the Americans dispatch more advisors to Iraq and Syria, the wider battle cannot be won unless more Muslims stand tall in the face of extremism, as many already have.

Most immediately, lifted sanctions on Iran's oil and gas industry could spur tensions with other energy producers, such as Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar.

For the moment at least, many Egyptians have become so fearful of change that they are content to live with their broken state, which they view as preferable to further collapse.

If Washington continues to bomb ISIS while sidestepping the question of Assad's future, Syria may wind up partitioned between jihadist and Iranian-backed forces.

Riyadh is entering unknown territory with its succession system at a time when threats and distractions have sprung up on multiple fronts.

The length of the meeting and the names of the Saudi officials in attendance will reveal as much as any government communique or briefing on what subjects were discussed.

The State Department's counterterrorism coordinator explains how the U.S. government is growing global partnerships to aid the fight against terrorism.

The nuclear deadlock cannot be broken unless Washington reengages in the myriad conflicts plaguing the region, particularly now that Yemen is vulnerable and the Saudi royal family is in a state of turmoil.

While the talks are unlikely to produce immediate results, Moscow could use them to gain leverage to shape its preferred outcome in Syria.

With its Lebanese Shiite constituency increasingly vulnerable, its Iranian patron hobbled by other commitments, and its regional reputation in tatters, Hezbollah will likely think twice before responding forcefully to the Quneitra attack.

The challenge posed by the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) has created some strange dynamics, among them the shared interest of the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran in "degrading and defeating" the Sunni jihadist group. But this shared interest should not be viewed as an

The president's legacy will be evaluated on his foreign policy accomplishments, not just the errors he believes he has avoided.

The prosecutor investigating a suspected government cover-up of the 1994 AMIA bombing has died suspiciously, sparking mass protests and raising questions about whether anyone else will pursue the case with similar determination.

Four Washington Institute fellows discuss what the president's address shows about his priorities in the Middle East, analyzing what he did and did not say and comparing his latest remarks to his past speeches.

The administration needs to make sure that its imminent creation of a new rebel force is conducted with clear political goals, a concrete military strategy, and due consideration of likely operational contingencies.

The apparent collapse of the Yemeni government is a headache for Riyadh and bodes ill for U.S. counterterrorism strategy.

New airstrikes are only the latest chapter in the ongoing intelligence war between Israel and Hezbollah, and financial information gained in U.S. undercover operations may be playing a role as well.

Unlike most Persian Gulf states, the UAE does not need to balance its counterterrorism policies with any delicate ties to Sunni conservatives.