Policy Analysis

It's only a matter of time before the Egyptian president's domestic extremism extends to international relations.

Not only is discussion of settlement of the Palestinian refugees currently within the Lebanese borders taboo, since 1990 it has also been unconstitutional.

Outside Hamas's control, jihadi groups in Gaza and Egypt's Sinai Peninsula may cause the greatest threat to stability in the region.

Hamas's interest in preserving calm with Israel does not equate to an interest in making peace.

Given the Brotherhood's belief that it can mobilize legions of foot soldiers to win any street battle domestically, only international pressure might force it to think twice about its undemocratic approach.

Without significant diplomatic follow-up, the Gaza ceasefire will likely last only as long as it takes Hamas to rearm.

The New York Times convened an online panel of five Middle East experts to discuss diplomatic efforts to end the deadly confrontation between Israel and Palestinian militants in Gaza. The following contribution was made by Washington Institute Ziegler distinguished fellow David Makovsky, director of the Institute's Project on the Middle East Peace Process.

In contrast to the more measured tone of Palestinian media coverage of the Gaza conflict in the West Bank, Hamas-controlled media are relentlessly inciting violence, indulging in venomous hate speech, and gloating about imaginary hits on Israeli civilian targets.

Through innovative use of Patriot missile batteries and command-and-control aircraft, Washington and its allies could create a much-needed protective arc for Syrian civilians without having to penetrate the regime's still-formidable air defenses.

Advances in Israeli weaponry haven't led to advances in Israeli strategy.

Hamas and its new Egyptian supporters have to learn once and for all that firing rockets on Israel's civilian population is unacceptable.

Ali Musa Daqduq's release from Iraqi custody is an ominous sign of the direction in which the Maliki government is taking Iraq and underscored how quickly Washington's influence over its erstwhile ally in Baghdad has waned.

Morsi is dispatching some of his country's top leaders to a war zone -- and risking, or maybe courting, a regional crisis.

How forces inside Israel, Gaza, and Egypt are feeding the latest deadly conflagration, and what Washington can do about it.

Reaching a viable Egyptian-brokered ceasefire will not be easy, but if the aim is anything more than a temporary break from fighting, it's a deal worth striving for.

Washington should craft its response to the Gaza crisis to reinforce its position and alliances in the region.

In deciding what to do about Israel, the new Egyptian president is torn between the security establishment and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Washington's objective should be to persuade all parties that returning to the de facto ceasefire serves everyone's best interests, though even that outcome promises instability if Hamas does not crack down on jihadist groups in Gaza.

The Iranian nuclear program and the Assad regime share a commonality: both aim to undermine Western interests in the Middle East. For this reason, as much as Ayatollah Ali Khamenei values the nuclear program as a pillar of the Islamic Republic's political identity, his pro-Assad stance has taken its own place in Iran's regional policy.

Amid fierce debate over Egypt's draft constitution, Fikra Forum editors asked Egyptian human rights experts Hafez Abu Saeda and Magdi Khalil to analyze the draft with respect to human rights, religious freedom, and democratic values. Hafez Abu Saeda is the head of the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights and Magdi Khalil is the executive director of the Middle East Freedom Forum.