Policy Analysis

While those deemed responsible for crimes committed under the Assad regime must face justice, the sweeping purge of public-sector employees threatens to deepen divisions in an already fragmented nation.

The violence in Suwayda has exposed the limits of Ahmed al-Sharaa’s control of Syria. But the assumption that the Druze community there is a monolith does not bear out: Damascus and Jerusalem are vying for influence amid the various leaders competing for power in the southwestern Syrian governorate.

The recent flare-up of violence in southern Syria has once again exposed the fragility of the country’s post-Assad order and minority communities’ underlying fears that the current government is unwilling or incapable of establishing a government that ensures minority rights or ensuring the safety of all Syrians against militia factions.

The new Syrian government will be judged not just by its treatment of minorities, but also how it approaches political opposition—and its checkered history in this regard gives pause.

Based on their experiences with Trump’s first administration, many Kurdish politicians in both Syria and Iraq believe they are on the brink of historic decisions that will shape their political future.

If Sharaa wants to avoid repeating Assad’s mistakes, he may have to genuinely decentralize political power and establish a federal system, though this would raise difficult questions about resource allocation.

Efforts to develop Kurdish unity in Syria come at a complex point in discussions about the SDF's future role in a new Syria.

While Iraqi fears of a resurgence of ISIS are legitimate, understanding the realities and opportunities presented with Syria's new government while rejecting sectarian rhetoric are vital for the future of Iraq's relationship with its neighbor.

The path towards reconciliation between Ankara and Damascus faces numerous obstacles, linked to a history of mistrust and significant gaps in major contentious issues.

With no prospects for a political solution to the Syrian crisis, the Turkish government's insistence on maintaining its previous policies in northern Syria and its usurpation of the Syrian people's decision-making warns of dire consequences for an already fragile relationship.

The Iranian model of creating and supporting proxy groups is consistent across the “Shia Crescent,” but recently Tehran has begun employing new and troubling tactics that threaten to only expand their influence.

The protest movement’s ability to weather pressures from the Assad regime has allowed Suwayda to remain an impressive display of solidarity, tenacity, and bravery, alongside a willingness after over a decade of conflict in Syria to still demand a better future.

Alignment between recovery efforts and the international coalition requires a comprehensive approach that prioritizes security, economic stabilization, and social cohesion.

Given the breakdown of the Lebanese state, Arab countries' normalization with Assad, and the fragmentation of the Syrian opposition, it seems that the United States can step in to play a pivotal role in protecting Syrian refugees facing persecution.

Using multiple militias and operating units, Tehran aims to drive the Americans out of eastern Syria, fill the resulting security vacuum, and assert indirect control.

Syrians inside the country and in refugee states await a true miracle, especially with their cause becoming highly internationalized and overshadowed by global events like the Gaza war.

The Islamic State’s response to October 7 has centered on shifting their messaging to argue that attacks on targets within IS’ pre-existing areas of operation are relevant.

With each day of nonviolent protest, the people of Suweida province have solidified themselves as a symbol that resonates with Syrians everywhere, whether abroad or within a country that remains split between regime, Iranian, Russian, Turkish, and local faction control.

The international community and the Global Coalition should pressure Turkey to cease its drone attacks and help to address the destruction of facilities and infrastructure installations.

According to new polling, the percentage of six Arab publics who believe America has had a positive role in the war amounts to just 7%.