Policy Analysis

While Arabs polled in March see Russia as responsible for spiking food prices, frustration with prior governance failures and economic challenges are also evident in certain Arab states with struggling economies.

Russia is using its presence in Syria to defend its interests in Europe. This shift, and the global impact of the war in Ukraine, have important implications for on-the-ground dynamics in Syria.

Despite the January 26 announcement by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) that they had taken full control of al-Sinaa prison in Hasaka, the security situation in this northeastern city is still not completely stable.

With the war on Ukraine in its fourth week, many features of how the conflict will play out are still unknown. However, with the first wave of Ukrainian refugees already within its borders, European Union policymakers should be looking to learn lessons now from over a decade of conflict in Syria to help address and mitigate the fallout from the war on Ukraine.

A decade after disaster struck Syria and its people, Syrian children have suffered immeasurable losses. They are highly vulnerable, cannot protect themselves from surrounding dangers, and will likely experience the effects of these circumstances for their entire lives.

The Syrian governorate of Deir Ezzor is currently a heavily militarized area, where militias and armed forces patrol and pursue their varied interests at the expense of local civilians.

In 1974, the UN defined food security as “availability at all times of adequate . . . food supplies.” According to this definition, Syria is facing a major crisis in food insecurity, while the standard of living continues to decline in the face of ongoing conflict.

The Islamic State’s attack on the Hasakah prison, and ongoing fighting surrounding the facility, is creating a humanitarian disaster for the region’s residents.

Two years after the killing of Qassem Soleimani, the IRGC general’s name still holds a lot of power for many Syrians as one of the Iranian officials directly responsible for the ongoing Iranian efforts to change the culture in the country’s southeastern region of Deir Ezzor.

A decade after the beginning of the 2011 uprising against Assad, the Autonomous Administration (AA) that controls the northeastern region of Syria faces numerous governance challenges. The author sat down with General Mazloum, the SDF commander in charge of protecting the AA, to discuss its current issues and potential future.

The recent targeting of the al-Tanf base in Syria, where U.S. forces are stationed, highlights the ways in which the Iranian presence in Syria is becoming increasingly bold in line with the foreign policy goals of Iran’s new president.

Despite Syrian women’s significant contributions in coordinating anti-Assad activity during the 2011 revolution, Syrian women now face exacerbated obstacles against participating in civil society.

To prevent obstacles to aid delivery in Syria, the United States should invest in local governance and agriculture production in areas outside the regime’s control. Doing so is an important step for deterring Russian blackmail, strengthening the Caesar Act, and alleviating the humanitarian crisis.

Analyzing the physical structures of refugee camps in Lebanon and Jordan sheds light on dynamics between the state, humanitarian organizations, and refugees.

Relying on geostrategic advantages and the absence of substantial opposition, ISIS seeks to reconfigure itself in the Syrian and Iraqi deserts in order to expand its control.

Women and children in the al-Hol Camp are conducting ISIS operations and perpetuating ISIS's ideology.

One underlying issue should be of particular concern during this trip: the ongoing Syrian crisis and the humanitarian and security burdens shouldered by Jordan.

The removal of Iranian militias from Syria could be a source for cooperation between the United States and Russia.

For years, progressive education has been a cornerstone in the Autonomous Administration in Northeastern Syria. It is now one of several components hampering regional unity.

Statistics show that both the Damascus government and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria are failing to effectively combat COVID-19 in Deir al-Zour.