Policy Analysis

Alignment between recovery efforts and the international coalition requires a comprehensive approach that prioritizes security, economic stabilization, and social cohesion.

Given the breakdown of the Lebanese state, Arab countries' normalization with Assad, and the fragmentation of the Syrian opposition, it seems that the United States can step in to play a pivotal role in protecting Syrian refugees facing persecution.

Using multiple militias and operating units, Tehran aims to drive the Americans out of eastern Syria, fill the resulting security vacuum, and assert indirect control.

Syrians inside the country and in refugee states await a true miracle, especially with their cause becoming highly internationalized and overshadowed by global events like the Gaza war.

The Islamic State’s response to October 7 has centered on shifting their messaging to argue that attacks on targets within IS’ pre-existing areas of operation are relevant.

With each day of nonviolent protest, the people of Suweida province have solidified themselves as a symbol that resonates with Syrians everywhere, whether abroad or within a country that remains split between regime, Iranian, Russian, Turkish, and local faction control.

The international community and the Global Coalition should pressure Turkey to cease its drone attacks and help to address the destruction of facilities and infrastructure installations.

According to new polling, the percentage of six Arab publics who believe America has had a positive role in the war amounts to just 7%.

The SDF’s current role in Deir ez-Zor and the local grievances surrounding it requires an understanding of the origin of its entry into the region, along with the underlying tension between U.S., Iranian, and Syrian regime interests there.

Syrians' responses to Hamas’ attack—and subsequent Israeli airstrikes in the Gaza Strip—have been varied, splitting along regional, political, and ideological lines.

Recent developments will require the U.S. to expand its objectives in Syria and to reevaluate its approach to local alliances if it hopes to shape a positive outcome to the bubbling frustrations in Syria.

On Sunday August 27, Deir Ezzor Military Council (DEMC) Head Abu Khawla—along with a number of senior commanders from the DEMC—were invited to meet with the commander-in-chief in the SDF Mazloum Abdi in neighboring Al-Hasakah province.

Worried by the implications of Erdoğan's reelection, the Kurds in northeastern Syria need active support from the United States now more than ever.

The growing regional trend of normalization with Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria—including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and even Turkey—have stoked the anger of the Syrian opposition.

After months of delay, U.S. and Israeli government officials reportedly suggested that the second Negev Summit will proceed on June 25.

Though Syria policies were at the center of the Turkish elections, the future for many Syrians remains unclear even after an Erdoğan victory.

With a focus on "the future of Syria," the Brussels Conference can be a platform through which Western and Arab countries can coordinate aid to Syria in an era of normalization.

Driven by forced conscription, economic deterioration, and lack of opportunities, Syrians are increasingly crossing the M4 in northern Syria on their journey to Europe.

Though GCC member states may disagree on Syria's normalization, the collective memory of past conflicts and the desire for regional stability will likely override internal divisions.

The tensions between Turkey and the PUK are not new, though recent actions by both sides have exacerbated the situation despite shared economic interests.